Question mark over Tirath Singh Rawat’s assembly by-poll

By Arun Pratap Singh

Dehradun, 22 Jun: With less than a year left for the term of Uttarakhand Assembly to end, question mark is being raised over the possibility of him contesting the Assembly by-poll in order to continue as Chief Minister beyond 9 September when he shall be completing his first six months as CM.  There are valid reasons behind the question mark being raised by Congress leadership as well as a section of the media.  However, the BJP’s state leadership looks confident to tide over the impending crisis.

It may be recalled that anyone appointed as minister or chief minister in a state should ideally be a member of the state assembly (or the state legislative council wherever it exists) or must get  elected to the state assembly within a period of six months from the period of assuming charge as a minister or chief minister as provided under Section 164 (4) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Similarly, anyone appointed as minister in Union Government should ideally be a member of Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha or must get elected as a member of parliament within a period of six months from the date of assuming charge as a minister.  Tirath Singh took over as the chief minister of Uttarakhand on 10 March and would be completing six months on 9 September. In order to continue as Chief Minister of Uttarakhand beyond September, he needs to get elected to the state assembly before9 September. While there is one vacancy i.e. in Gangotri assembly seat caused due to death of incumbent MLA Gopal Singh Rawat due to Covid on 23 April, 2021, the fact remains that the seat too felt vacant within a period of one year for the term of the state assembly to end.  In fact yet another vacancy in the state legislature was created due to death of the Leader of the Opposition Indira Hridayesh (Haldwani).

Usually, the by-elections are not declared or held by the Election Commission of India if the assembly has less than one year of the term left. Herein lies the reason behind the question mark being raised by the Opposition as well as a section of the media.  There is a convention followed by the Election Commission that it does not declare byelection on seats where the term of the legislature concerned remains lesser than one year.

The Opposition is citing the provisions of Section 151(a) to claim that the bypolls can’t be held now as less than one year period of the term of the state assembly is left. Describing it a constitutional crisis, PCC Chief Pritam Singh has in very clear terms stated that Tirath Singh Rawat had lost an opportunity to contest the bypoll and continue as CM beyond September now. He goes on to claim that a constitutional crisis is bound to accrue due to this as the CM will not be able to contest by-poll and continue as CM.

It may further be recalled Assembly Bypolls were recently held on Salt Assembly seat in District Almora which had been won by the BJP candidate Mahesh Jeena comfortably. The question is being raised had it not been better had Tirath Singh Rawat contested this bypoll and become MLA. Now why did Tirath Singh Rawat not contest this seat is a matter of debate but it can’t be denied that it would have been safer and without controversy had Rawat chosen to contest poll from this seat and become a member of the House. Was the party complacent or did it fail to consider the fact that conventionally bypolls are not declared if the remaining term of the state legislature is lesser than one year?

Now let us see what exactly the provision is in this respect! Representation of the People Act, 1951 mentions that Time limit for filling vacancies referred to in sections 147, 149, 150 and 151.— Notwithstanding anything contained in section 147, section 149, section 150 and section 151, a bye-election for filling any vacancy referred to in any of the said sections shall be held within a period of six months from the date of the occurrence of the vacancy:

Provided that nothing contained in this section shall apply if—

(a) the remainder of the term of a member in relation to a vacancy is less than one year; or

(b) the Election Commission in consultation with the Central Government certifies that it is difficult to hold the by-election within the said period.

It is clear that the focus of this provision is to ensure that there is no vacancy remaining beyond a period of six months and that the Election Commission is bound to hold the by-polls within six months of occurrence of the vacancy unless of course if either the remainder of the term of the member to be elected is less than one year or the Election Commission decides and certifies in concurrence with the Union Government that it is unable to hold elections in view of any special reason.  A deeper reading of the provision would reveal that the Election Commission has not been barred from holding by-poll to a seat in a legislature the remainder of the term of which is less than an year. The convention says the elections are best avoided though there is no specific rule barring the Election Commission from holding the election if it chooses to declare it.  This correspondent recalls that in 2016, such a situation arose in Uttarakhand where some members had been disqualified. The case was heard in Supreme Court and then the Court or the Election Commission did not decide on holding the elections on the same ground that little term was left. However, the Election Commission had then made it clear that it was a convention not to hold polls under such circumstances but it would hold the elections if the Supreme Court chose to order the polls. Of course the Supreme Court did not order and the Election Commission did not also declare but it should be remembered that there was no demand from any quarters to hold the elections.

Speaking to Garhwal Post, BJP State General Secretary Suresh Bhatt admitted that conventionally the polls were usually avoided under such circumstances, there was no law that prevented holding of such bypoll. He said that the BJP was hopeful of contesting the by-poll and added that there would be no constitutional crisis.  BJP State President  Madan Kaushik too  claimed that the bypolls would be held and that CM Rawat would contest the by-poll adding of course that it was up to the Election Commission on when to hold the election.  Elections were usually held within 6 months of the vacancy and besides the fact that there were two vacancies in the state legislature, several other MLAs were also willing to vacate their seats for the CM to contest, he claimed.

While in the likelihood of the Election Commission declaring the bypoll, there was little chance that it would be challenged in the Court as the rules clearly make it a prerogative of the Election Commission to hold elections or not to hold on a seat if the remainder of the term of the House is lesser than one year. However, no one can deny that the decision would result in a political controversy.

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 उत्तराखंड में लॉकडाउन को लेकर इतनी झिझक क्यों?

अरुण प्रताप सिंह

पांच मई बुधवार को उत्तराखंड में 7783 कोरोना संक्रमण के मामले सामने आए। 1.2

करोड़ की जनसंख्या वाले इस पहाड़ी राज्य में जिस तेज गति से कोरोना की दूसरी लहर ने

पैर पसारे हैं, वह गहरी चिंता का विषय है। उत्तराखंड में कोरोना संक्रमण का इतनी तेजी से

प्रसार हो रहा है कि राज्य देश में कोरोना की उच्चतम संक्रमण दर (पॉजिटिविटी) वाले

राज्यों में शुमार हो गया है। उत्तराखंड में 28 अप्रैल से 4 मई, 2021 तक औसत संक्रमण दर

17.5 के स्तर पर रही। यहां तक ​​कि चमोली (22.3) और पौड़ी गढ़वाल जैसे दूरस्थ पहाड़ी

जिलों में भी संक्रमण की दर बहुत अधिक है। 28.6 प्रतिशत संक्रमण दर के साथ नैनीताल

संक्रमण दर में सबसे चल रहा है और इसके बावजूद वहां पर अभी तक कोरोना की टैस्टिंग

में तेजी नहीं आई है। नैनीताल में टैस्टिंग बहुत कम चल रही है। 28 अप्रैल से शुरू होने वाले

और 4 मई को समाप्त होने वाले इस पूरे सप्ताह में, नैनीताल में किए गए टैस्ट की कुल संख्या

सिर्फ 17,007 थी, जबकि इस सप्ताह के दौरान देहरादून में किए गए कुल टैस्ट 64,377 थे

और हरिद्वार में आयोजित किए गए कुल टैस्ट 84,675 थे। हरिद्वार सप्ताह के लिए 6.8

प्रतिशत पर सबसे कम संक्रमण दर जारी रखे है जबकि हरिद्वार में कुंभ के कारण सबसे

अधिक तेजी से कोरोना का प्रसार होने की आशंका व्यक्त की जारही थी। देहरादून चार मई

को समाप्त होने वाले सप्ताह के दौरान 25 प्रतिशत की उच्च संक्रमणदर दिखा रहा है, जिसका

अर्थ साफ है कि देहरादून में कोरोना की टैस्टिंग कम से कम दुगना करने की जरूरत है।

जिस तेजी से कोरोना ने पहाड़ी जनपदों समेत समूचे उत्तराखंड में पैर पसारे हैं, जाहिर है,

कोविड कर्फ्यू के रूप में करार दिया गया आंशिक लॉकडाउन महामारी के प्रसार की श्रृंखला

को तोड़ने के लिए पर्याप्त प्रभावी नहीं रहा है और ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि श्रृंखला को तोड़ने

और महामारी के प्रसार को रोकने के लिए कम से कम एक पखवाड़े के लिए सख्त लॉकडाउन

की आवश्यकता हो सकती है। हालांकि, सरकार इतनी उच्च संक्रमणदर के बावजूद पूर्ण ताला

लगाने में संकोच करती दिखाई दे रही है। बुधवार को मुख्यमंत्री तीरथ सिंह रावत ने अपने

मंत्रिपरिषद के साथियों के साथ अनौपचारिक विमर्श किया पर इसके बावजूद राज्य में

संपूर्ण लॉकडाउन पर सहमति नहीं बन पाई। सूत्रों का हालांकि यह दावा है कि कई मंत्रीगण

राज्य में संपूर्ण लॉकडाउन के पक्ष में थे। सूत्र यह भी दावा करते हैं कि राज्य के कई वरिष्ठ

नौकरशाह भी कम से कम एक पखवाड़े के लॉकडाउन के समर्थन में हैं पर इसके बावजूद

सरकार का लॉकडाउन को लेकर इतना झिझकना समझ से परे है। यदि केंद्र सरकार की

गाइडलाइन पर नज़र डालें तो पता लगेगा कि केंद्र भले ही पूरे देश में लॉकडाउन के पक्ष में

नहीं हो पर जहां जहां भी संक्रमण दर दस प्रतिशत से अधिक हैं, वहां पर उसने राज्य

सरकारों को परिस्थितियों के मद्देनज़र लॉकडाउन की अनुमति दी है। इसके बावजूद

उत्तराखंड में लॉकडाउन को लेकर इतनी झिझक क्यों ? उत्तराखंड का पड़ोसी राज्य

हिमाचल भी 16 मई तक पूर्ण लॉकडाउन की घोषणा कर चुका है जबकि वहां पर संक्रमण

उत्तराखंड के मुकाबले काफी कम है और वहां पर भी भाजपा की ही सरकार है।

बुधवार देर शाम राज्य के तीन जनपदों देहरादून, हरिद्वार व ऊधमसिंह नगर में 10 मई तक

के लॉकडाउन की घोषणा जरूर की गई पर इतनी छोटी अवधि से संक्रमण की श्रंखला टूट

पाएगी, इसमें संदेह है। यह विचारणीय प्रश्न है कि कम से कम 16 मई तक के पूर्ण लॉकडाउन

की घोषणा क्यों नहीं की गई।

राज्य के स्वास्थ्य विभाग द्वारा बुधवार शाम को जारी स्वास्थ्य बुलेटिन से पता चलता है कि

पिछले 24 घंटों में 127 मौतों के साथ पिछले 24 घंटों में राज्य में कोरोना संक्रमण के 7783

नए मामले सामने आए। देहरादून में कुल 10,613 टैस्टमें से 2771 मामलों के साथ उधम

सिंह नगर के मामलों का नेतृत्व करना जारी रहा और इसके बाद केवल 2776 टैस्टमें से

1043 के साथ जिसका मतलब 37 प्रतिशत की संक्रमण दर रही। इतने कम टैस्ट क्यों किए

जा रहे हैं, यह सभी संबंधितों के लिए और विशेष रूप से सरकार के लिए बहुत चिंता का

विषय होना चाहिए। पूरे राज्य में, 43,489 नमूने बुधवार को टैस्ट के लिए प्रयोगशालाओं में

भेजे गए थे। उच्च संक्रमणदर को देखते हुए, टैस्ट को कहीं अधिक बढ़ाए जाने की आवश्यकता

है, लेकिन यह देखना होगा कि आने वाले दिनों में टैस्ट संख्या वास्तव में बढ़ाई जाएगी कि

नहीं।

एक सकारात्मक बात यह अवश्य रही कि बुधवार व गुरुवार को टीकाकरण अभियान ने फिर

से गति पकड़ ली है। बीच के कई दिनों में वैक्सीन की कमी के कारण टीकाकरण काफी

प्रभावित हो गया था। बुधवार को 42,268 व्यक्तियों के साथ कुछ गति प्राप्त की, अब राज्य

में आंशिक रूप से टीकाकरण करने वालों की कुल संख्या 17,01,989 तक जा पहुंची है और

पूरी तरह से टीकाकरण करा चुके लोगों की संख्या यानि कि उनकी संख्या जिन्हें दो टीके लग

चुके हैं, अब 480,484 हो गई है। पिछले दो दिनों लगभग दो लाख टीके राज्य को मिले हैं

तो उम्मीद की जानी चाहिए कि टीकाकरण राज्य में तेजी से होगा। हालांकि 18 से 45 वर्ष

की आयु के नागरिकों का टीकाकरण कब से शुरू होगा यह बताना अभी मुश्किल है पर माना

जा रहा है कि मई के पहले पखवाड़े के अंत तक इस वय के नागरिकों का टीकाकरण

अभियान शुरू हो सकता है।

Column- Being Politically Incorrect (1)

BJP's romance with Secularism

By Arun Pratap Singh

4 May 2021

BJP had tested power for the first time at the Centre in 1977 after it had merged itself with Janata Party on the call of JP Narayan. Of course, the BJP had then existed as political arm of RSS and by the name of Jansangh. Once Congress returned to power, BJP had to wait a good seventeen years to be able to come to power for a short time in 1996 and then again in 1999 till 2004 led by towering Atal Bihari Vajpayee. However, once it tasted success, it simply forgot that it was a Hindu Nationalist party and tried to project itself as much as possible as a secular party. Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi may be respected across the globe and across the entire political spectrum in India and I see no harm in this, but the fact remains that no “true” Gandhian has ever supported or voted for BJP. It is those who remain concerned about the blatant minority appeasement in name of secularism who have voted for and supported the BJP. Vajpayee Government had given a reasonable governance but lost support of its own ideological supporters and lost the 2004 elections and power for next ten years. During this time, a Gujarat BJP leader Narendra Modi was becoming popular among the supporters of Hindutva ideology across the country and among the Hindus across the globe. He carried an image of being non compromising on Hindutva ideology. His slogan, “Development of All, Appeasement of None” carried lot of respect among the Hindutva followers. It was this support that propelled him to become the topmost popular BJP face at the national level. Despite the fact that Congress led by Sonia Gandhi and the entire liberal secular parties and the secular-liberal media spared no effort towards demonising him, they failed badly to prevent him from becoming the Prime Minister of India in 2014. He left no effort to be fair to the minorities and focus on some pro poor schemes to strengthen his popularity and even attempted his best to gain acceptance amongst the minorities especially the Muslims. However, in reality this did not earn him any significant support from the minorities which more or less continued to despise him. However, during the entire first five years tenure of the BJP led NDA Government, support of the Hindu ideological supporters remained almost intact. Some policies like demonetisation and the decision to bring Yogi Adityanath as UP CM further boosted his popularity among the Hindus for whom Hindutva remained an important issue. This was also the reason why he comfortably managed to retain power in 2019 general elections. First few months of his second tenure despite some economic setbacks for the country seemed like a dream run for his government for the ideological Hindus. Abrogation of Article 370 and Clause 5A further boosted his popularity among this class of Hindus despite a very strong and blind criticism of all secular parties and the entire secular media. This was not the only thing to happen during the first year of his second tenure as PM. The Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s announcement to bring CAA bill and getting it passed further boosted not only Modi’s image among the Hindutva supporters but also established an image of a tough home minister for Amit Shah. Not only this, the opposition parties were left startled and they indulged in misinformation and protests against the CAA as well as against the abrogation of Article 370!

However, a strong protest by the so called minorities somehow seemed to have weakened the resolve of Modi-Shah duo to continue being tough. Some bad international press further weakened the resolve of the PM and HM and they appeared to suddenly bend backward towards appeasement of the minorities. Despite fighting a tough battle on Hindutva lines in West Bengal, the resolve had gone weak somewhere and half hearted but full steam poll campaign in West Bengal left the prospective supporters in the state somehow suspect of the BJP and its chances to gain power and hence the BJP failed to get majority. It could not ensure consolidation of Hindus as Mamata managed to ensure consolidation of Muslim votes. She managed to consolidate even traditional Congress and Left supporters from the Muslims in her favour. Thus it became an unequal battle. 35 percent of consolidated votes easily defeated 70 percent of the divided votes. This should worry a lot of people about what they might have to face in the future across many states. One more factor played its role. In the 2019 general elections, BJP had managed to secure more than 40 percent of the popular votes in West Bengal. However, in the state assembly elections, this vote percentage has come down to 38 perent, whereas almost the entire political support base of the Congress and the Left shifted towards TMC which managed to secure almost 48 percent of the votes cast. Almost a nine percent difference. Why? Also because the BJP despite being in power at the Centre failed to protect its cadre in the run up to the State Assembly polls. More than 139 party workers were killed in the run up and the BJP failed to take any tough action against the Mamata Government. This weakness led many prospective BJP supporters to be scared of similar consequences and vote to TMC instead. This weakness of the BJP and its inability to protect its own cadres in West Bengal is evident in the on going post poll violence too. Despite large scale violence unleashed by TMC cadres, BJP Government at the Centre has failed to take any strict action against the Mamata Government.

It is clear that secret ambition of the top BJP leadership to gain acceptance and appreciation of White Intelligentsia in the West and to gain acceptance among the minorities, especially the Muslims will remain a pipedream. Continued efforts of the BJP leadership towards achieving this unachievable goal will only alienate its own cadres and supporters in the long run. The party needs to remember that somewhat aggressive Hindutva political sentiment arising out of Ram Mandir issue and promise of abrogation of Article 370 had propelled the BJP towards retaining power in 2019 general elections. While the Opposition continues to be weak, overturn of political fortunes can happen very very quickly. Few political pundits had given any chance of Congress to wrest power in 2004 general elections but it happened. BJP better be wary of any such possibility. Gandhigiri is not going to win any electoral battle for it in future too!

Dicey situation for Congress in Uttarakhand!

Dicey situation for Congress in Uttarakhand!
In Uttarakhand, while it is true that chief minister Harish Rawat is now left with any strong opponent within the party, what may still lead to his and his party (Congress) downfall is the fact that the party is hardly left with any leader with mass base in Garhwal region. Beginning with Satpal Maharaj, many more left the party including Harak Singh Rawat and Vijay Bahuguna. Among those who left also include Kunwar Pranav Singh, Shailendra Mohan Singhal, Umesh Kau and Amrita Rawat. These were the leaders who can win seats on their own. Given the fact that Garhwal region has 42 Assembly seats as compared to 28 in Kumaon region, situation may turn out to be really dicey for Congress. Harish Rawat has been known to push for his own men in every position be it the Congress Rajya Sabha member Mahendra Singh Mahra (Kumaon), or speaker Govind Singh Kunjwal (Kumaon) and now Pradeep Tamta (Kumaon) as party candidate for the Rajya Sabha. Harish Rawat himself belongs to Kumaon. Well this was the primary reason for the rebellion against him in March.
Challenges are mounting for Harda. Yashpal Arya is unhappy with Tamta being declared as RS candidate. On the other hand, PDF too has announced Dhanai as RS candidate and if it decides to contest, Congress may not be able to ensure win for the party candidate, which would be highly embarrassing for Harish Rawat and Congress.
It remains to be seen however, how the BJP is able to tackle the situation that is going to emerge after inducting so many heavyweights from Congress in its fold. Now the party has Bhagat Singh Koshiyari, Ramesh Nishank, BC Khanduri and Vijay Bahuguna as former CMs and several within the party and those who just joined as CM aspirants particularly Harak Singh Rawat. The real trouble for BJP will however come at the time of ticket distribution and then at the time of selecting the ministers in case it is able to win power in 2017. All in all, a thrilling situation for the political observers!
- Arun Pratap Singh

Political storm in Uttarakhand.............

जायजा

तुफान ही तुफान....... उत्तराखंड

अरुण प्रताप सिंह

उत्तराखंड ने 28 मई को दो किस्म के तुफान देखे। पहला तुफान इंद्रदेवता ने दिखाया और उसने इस कदर तबाही मचाई कि कई लोगों की मौत हो गई, राज्य के कई क्षेत्रों में सैकड़ों घर तबाह होगए और सैकड़ों की तादाद में निरीह पशु भी जान खो बैठे। चार धाम यात्रा जो इस समय जोरों पर है, वह भी प्रभावित हुई और राज्य के अनेक मार्ग अवरुद्ध हो गए हैं। राहत कार्य शुरू किये गये हैं पर उनकी गति बहुत सुस्त हैं। अनेक क्षेत्रों में अभी तक बिजली की आपूर्ति सुचारू नहीं हो सकी है।

दूसरा तुफान राजनीतिक प्रकृति का है और उसके दूरगामी राजनीतिक परिणाम निश्चित हैं। उत्तराखंड में राज्यसभा की एक सीट जुलाई में रिक्त हो रही है और उसके लिए 11 जून को मतदान होना है। भाजपा की ओर से तरुण विजय का कार्यकाल समाप्त हो रहा है। यदि दो माह पहले उत्तराखंड की राजनीति में भूचाल न आया होता तो कांग्रेस की जीत स्वाभाविक मानी जाती और संभवतः उसकी चर्चा भी नहीं होती। कांग्रेस लगातार उत्तराखंड से बाहरी लोगों को राज्यसभा भेजती रही है। पूर्व में कैप्टेन सतीश शर्मा, सत्यव्रत चतुर्वेदी और वर्तमान में राज बब्बर कांग्रेस की ओर से राज्यसभा में राज्य का प्रतिनिधित्व कर चुके हैं या कर रहे हैं। पार्टी के सूत्रों के अनुसार इस बार भी तैयारी बाहरी उम्मीदवार उतारने की ही थी और इसी क्रम में पूर्व केंद्रीय मंत्री कपिल सिब्बल का नाम ही सबसे आगे था। पर मार्च के महीने में राजनीतिक संकट के चलते लगभग दो महीने के लिए मुख्यमंत्री हरीश रावत को अपनी सीट गंवानी पड़ी। नौ विधायकों की बगावत के चलते कांग्रेस कमजोर हुई और आज वह बहुमत भी खो चुकी है। पर चूंकि बागी विधायकों की सदस्यता फिलहाल निरस्त है, इसलिए अपने सहयोगी दलों व निर्दलीयों के सहयोग से वह फिर भी राज्यसभा चुनाव लड़ने की स्थिति में आ गई है। पर संकट का तुफान इसके बावजूद कांग्रेस पर मंडरा रहा है। निश्चित रूप से कांग्रेस की हाईकमान भी पिछले दिनों काफी कमजोर स्थिति में आ गया है और इसके चलते, पार्टी ने हरीश रावत की ही सलाह पर उन्हीं के सिपहसलार प्रदीप टम्टा को मैदान में उतार दिया है। प्रदेश कांग्रेस की ओर से खुद प्रदेश कांग्रेस के अध्यक्ष किशोर उपाध्याय भी बड़े दावेदार थे। किशोर तो किसी तरह चुप करा दिए गये हैं पर कुमाऊं के अन्य बड़े दलित कांग्रेसी नेता यशपाल आर्य खुले तौर पर नाराज हो गए हैं। दूसरी तरफ, पीडीएफ जोकि कई पार्टियों व निर्दलीयों का मोर्चा है, उसने भी कैबिनेट मंत्री दिनेश धनै को मैदान में उतार दिया है। जाहिर है, रावत के सामने चौतरफा चुनौती खड़ी है। अगर दिनेश धनै मैदान से नहीं हटते तो कांग्रेस की हार निश्चित है। भाजपा धनै का समर्थन करने के मूड में दिख रही है। वैसे कांग्रेसी नेतृत्व यह मानकर चल रहा है कि पीडीएफ को एक मंत्री पद और दे देने से वह अपनी उम्मीदवारी वापस ले सकता है। दरअसल इस बात में एक और पेंच है। धनै और किशोर उपाध्याय दोनों ही आने वाले विधानसभा चुनाव में टिहरी विधानसभा क्षेत्र से कांग्रेस टिकट की दावेदारी कर रहे हैं। यदि किशोर राज्यसभा चले जाते तो यह दावेदारी स्वतः ही समाप्त हो जाती।

एक और बात कांग्रेस को खास तौर पर गढ़वाल में कमजोर कर रही है। राज्यसभा में प्रदेश का प्रतिनिधि करने वाले स्थानीय नेता महेंद्र सिंह माहरा भी कुमाऊं से ही हैं। मुख्यमंत्री स्वयं भी कुमाऊं से हैं और प्रदीप भी कुमाऊं से हैं जबकि स्पीकर गोबिंद सिंह कुंजवाल भी कुमाऊं से हैं। नौ बागी विधायकों में से आठ गढ़वाल से हैं, हां इनमें से विजय बहुगुणा और अमृता रावत फिलहाल कुमाऊं का प्रतिनिधित्व अवश्य कर रहे हैं। कांग्रेस के सामने सबसे बड़ी मुश्किल यह है कि प्रदेश के सभी महत्वपूर्ण पदों पर हरीश रावत के अपने ही खासमखास बैठे हैं और यही बात पार्टी में बगावत का मुख्य कारण बनी थी। बागी विधायक तो भाजपा में जा चुके हैं। गढ़वाल में कांग्रेस के पास आज बड़े कद का कोई नेता नहीं रहा है जो आने वाले विधानसभा चुनाव में उस पर भारी पड़ सकता है। उत्तराखंड की कुल 70 विधानसभा सीटों में से 42 गढ़वाल मंडल में पड़ती हैं।

This is in response to the querry by Ms Sunita from Landaur Mussoorie


I am sorry that I started the blog but have not been regular visitor and contributor myself.
Anyway I will now try to be more regular/
There are some regular climbers that you can grow in your pusta. You can try to grow Ivy (Hedera Helix) easily available in Mussoorie or the perennial Nasturtium. You can try climbing Hydrangea if you can find one. Other climbers can be Wisteria, Pink Tecoma, Clematis or Cleome in the place that you mentioned.  I am mentioning plants that are easily available in and around Mussoorie (Dehradun for example)

ARUN PRATAP SINGH

Pest Control in the Garden!!!

By Arun Pratap Singh
Plant diseases are normally caused by living organisms called parasites. Plants can suffer from bacterial, viral and fungal attack just as we can. Important pests that suck the sap from the plants are mealy bugs, scale insects, aphids, thrips, jassids and mites of several kinds. The affected leaves curl up and get deformed. Chewing insects like Beetles, Cutworms, Grubs, Weevils, Locusts and several kinds of Caterpillars feed on leaves and other parts of the plants. Several kinds of flies and maggots lay the eggs under the fruit skin and feed on the pulp. Borers make holes in the stem, shoot, fruit or even the roots of the plants. Slugs and snails cause serious damage. Termites can be another serious problem in any garden. Chemical control is usually necessary where manual removal of pests is not possible.
Aphids: These are small insects and attack Rose, Dahlia, Chrysanthemum, annuals and some vegetable and fruit crops. The active period is usually March to May in Uttarakhand.
Control: Dichlorovos (Nuvan), Methyl Parathion (Metacid) or Dimethoate (Rogor) can be effectively used @ 2 ml/litre of water as foliar spray.
Jassids: They are tiny sucking insects that attack Rose, Dahlia, Chrysanthemum, Carnation, Gerbera, several ornamental plants, some annual flowering plants and some vegetable crops like Okra (Bhindi). Both the nymph and adult feed on leaf sap resulting in yellowing or bronzing and curling of leaves.
Control: Dichlorovos (Nuvan) 35 EC. For vegetable and fruit crops, it is better to spray Fenvalerate (Tatafen of M/s Rallis India) @ 2 ml/litre of water.
Thrips: These small insects suck the sap of the leaves. They attack roses, carnations, chrysanthemum, bulbous plants and annuals. The infested surface of the leaf or fruit becomes corky. They are most active during August to November. The result is creamy or yellow spots on the leaves. Control: Dimethoate (Rogor of M/s Rallis India) 30 EC, Ethion (Sumithion) 50 EC, Monocrotophos (Nuvacron or Monocil) 40 EC @ 2 ml/litre of water to be sprayed at 7 to 10 days interval.
Beetles: The beetles are round with the head hidden by the wings. They are brownish-yellow to deep orange with black spots or patches. Beetles attack marigold, aster, petunia, lilies and several others among the flowers and Cucurbits (gourds, cucumber and melons) and brinjal among the vegetables.
Control: Dichlorovos (Nuvan) 76 EC, Quinalphos, Endosulphan 35 EC @ 2ml /litre of water to be sprayed.
Grubs: Grubs are the larval stage of the Beetles. Grub damage in lawns occurs in spring and early summer when larvae feed on the roots of grass causing the grass plant to turn brown and die. Chafer grub attacks roses and several other plants. The larvae also damage the roots of strawberries, potatoes and other garden vegetables. They cause defoliation in flower beds, shrubs and trees.
Control: Application of Chlorpyriphos 20EC @ 2ml/ litre of water or Phorate 10G (Granules) in the soil or dusting the soil surface and the plant foliage with Lindane 6.5 % WP should do the job. Fenvalerate 10EC @ 3ml/litre can be used as a contact poison.
Caterpillars: There are several types of caterpillars and they cause severe damage to ornamentals and vegetables like cauliflower, cabbage, lettuce, peas, potatoes and onions, amongst others. They can be hairy or non-hairy and of various colours. They are fruit eating, bud eating, bark eating or leaf eating.
Control: Cypermethrin 25 EC or Fenvalerate 10 EC @ 1.5 ml/litre of water should be sprayed at weekly intervals to achieve effective control. Traditionally, Endosulphan has been used @ 3ml/litre though it is best avoided in a home garden.
Cutworm: Cutworms usually stay in the soil during the day and come out during the night to feed on different parts of the plants. They usually attack chrysanthemum, carnation, marigold, bulbous plants like gladiolus. Vegetable crops like cabbage, cauliflower, beans, peas, lettuce and leafy vegetables are also attacked by cutworms. The cutworm chews into the plant’s stem at the ground level and chops it off. Once the attack occurs, immediate attention is required, because they attack and destroy rather rapidly.
Control: Against this pest only stronger pesticides are effective. Chlorpyriphos 20 EC or Endosulphan 35 EC and Carbaryl can be used as soil drench for very effective control.
Mites: A powerful hand lens is needed to see these pests. They are eight-legged insects found mostly on the underside of the leaves of vegetables, fruit trees, roses and other flowers, especially during the hot dry summer. One can see webbing similar to spider webs around the colonies of spider mites on leaves, stems, fruit and houseplants.
Control: In home gardens, Dimethoate (Rogor of M/s Rallis India) is the most common pesticide for this pest. The rate of application is 2 to 3 ml/litre of water. Endosulphan 35 EC, Quinalphos 25 EC. New formulations with better efficacy and safety profile like Fenpropathrin (Danitol of M/s Rallis India) 10 EC @ 1.5 ml/litre of water as spray. Red Spider Mite: They are similar in nature and action to other spider mites. They are bright red during the cooler months of the year but in summer they may turn yellowish or greenish. They usually attack rose, tea plantations but can infest almost any house plant in Uttarakhand. While in the northern plains they are destroyed to a large extent by scorching heat during May and June, they continue to survive in areas with milder climate like Dehradun, and the hills.
Control: Phorate 10 G granules are applied to the soil to the depth of 2 to 3 inches every three months at the time when new flush of leaves appears. Quinalphos, Ethion 50 EC (Fosmite or Sumithion), Oxydemeton Methyl (Metasysox of M/s Bayer India) and Endosulphan are also effective in controlling this pest. Fenpropathrin (Danitol of M/s Rallis India) 10 EC @1.5 ml/litre of water is used as spray.
Scale insects: These are small tiny insects with tough scales and are of varying colours and shapes depending on the species. These are very severe pests on a number of fruits, vegetables and ornamental plants, including roses. The scale insects have special preference for the rose family. They are tiny, with minute sucking mouth parts with which they suck the cell sap. The tree bark gets covered with a grey layer of overlapping scales. These insects are more active during February-March and August-October in Uttarakhand.
Control: Contact insecticides like Malathion and Systemic insecticides like Monocrotophos (Nuvacron), Ethion (Sumithion or Fosmite), Phosphamidon (Dimecron) and Oxydemeton-methyl (Metasystox of M/s Bayer) are effective against the scale insects.
Whiteflies: These pests can be detected when the plant is touched and the small white insects start to fly out. Tomato and Cabbage families of plants among the vegetable crops and Begonia, Geranium and Fuchsia among the ornamentals are the chief targets.
Control: Monocrotophos 36 SL @ 2 ml/ litre of water, Oxydemeton-methyl (Metasystox) 50 EC @ @ ml/litre, Ethion (Sumithion or Fosmite) 100 EC @ 1 ml/litre of water and Profenofos (Curacron of M/s Syngenta India) 50 EC @ 1ml/litre.
Fruit and Stem Borers: There are several species of Fruit, Stem, Pod and Bud Borers in India.
Control: All the wilted shoots should be pruned. Preventive measures of control are more effective. Fenvalerate 10 EC (Tatafen of M/s Rallis India) @ 1.5 ml/litre of water, Cypermethrin 25 EC or Monocrotophos 70 EC @ 2 ml/ litre of water can be sprayed at fortnightly intervals during the fruiting season. Another new generation chemical Profenofos 50 EC @ 1 ml/1.2 litres of water can be sprayed for better effect at the eggs stage. It has been observed to be effective against the eggs too. The crop should not be harvested for a week after the spray.
Termites: They normally appear in dry soil and attack both woody and herbaceous plants. They attack the roots of lawn grasses also. In India, the main pesticide used for termites is Chlorpyriphos. DDT, Aldrin and BHC have been banned and must not be used.
Control: The soil is normally drenched with Chlorpyriphos 20 EC @ 3 ml/litre of water. Lindane dust can also be mixed in the soil for control. Fenvalerate is also effective and is also used as house termiticide.
Diseases: There are a number of diseases which also attack the plants besides the pests and are usually of fungal, bacterial or viral generated. Viral diseases like Leaf Mosaic or Leaf Curl Virus are usually untreatable and it is better to destroy the affect plant as soon as the disease is observed. Many of the diseases are transmitted by pests that are carriers of these diseases. Preventing pests and fungi is effective way to prevent many diseases. However, a separate detailed article on diseases and their treatment would be done separately.